Achievement Gap

In lamenting the achievement gaps between the races, researchers Reihan Salam and Tino Sanandaji discuss the work of James Heckman, an economics professor believes the key to narrowing the gaps lie in early childhood intervention. Specifically, the interventions should focus on instilling appropriate behavior among “disadvantaged” children, such as impulse control and following the rules. An excerpt from National Review:

“Such norms are particularly lacking among disadvantaged children from broken homes and neighborhoods with weak social bonds. One reason to focus on these norms and social abilities is that they are far more malleable than cognitive skills, and thus more susceptible to the influence of well-designed educational programs. Moreover, social skills and norms of conduct are as important for success in school and in the labor market as cognitive skills.”

That behavior affects performance is nothing new, of course. But behavior should be mentioned more often when discussing how to narrow the achievement gap. Abigail Thernstrom, co-author of No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning, said that the best schools teaching disadvantaged students insisted that students speak standard English, sit up straight at their desks, be organized, look at people when speaking to them, listen to teachers with respect, shake hands with school visitors, etc.

No ExcusesLowering standards for blacks is just about the worst thing social engineers could have done to “improve” conditions, arguably worse than “separate but unequal.” Instill in a child’s mind that he’s excused from certain requirements and standards because of the color of his skin or the status of his ancestors, and you’ve trained that child to believe he is less than and more deserving. With that kind of negative reinforcement, why should he try harder?

In 2007, I blogged about a new study in the journal Child Development about early learning skills. According to the study, a child’s “self-regulation skills” are associated with his abilities in his early education. An excerpt of a related article (emphasis added):

“Although intelligence is generally thought to play a key role in children’s early academic achievement, aspects of children’s self-regulation abilities-including the ability to alternately shift and focus attention and to inhibit impulsive responding–are uniquely related to early academic success and account for greater variation in early academic progress than do measures of intelligence. Therefore, in order to help children from low-income families succeed in school, early school-age programs may need to include curricula designed specifically to promote children’s self-regulation skills as a means of enhancing their early academic progress. One of the study’s authors said, ‘Children’s ability to regulate their thinking and behavior develops rapidly in the preschool years.’

“Although there is currently a focus on teaching specific content and factual information in pre-kindergarten and early elementary education, these findings indicate that without a simultaneous focus on promoting self-regulation skills, many children are likely to struggle to keep pace with the academic demands of the early elementary classroom.”

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Asians and ‘Diversity’

by lbarber on 11/16/2011

in Achievement Gap

Asian studentsIt’s well documented that students of Asian descent are held to the highest standards in admissions. Most recently, Princeton professor Thomas Espenshade released a study that showed the extent of discrimination against these students at elite colleges. Judah Bellin, a senior at Cornell, writes:

“It’s hard to deny that the admissions process is stacked against Asian students. A study on affirmative action by Princeton sociologist Thomas Espenshade showed that when numerous factors are controlled for, Hispanic students receive a admissions boost equivalent to around 130 points on the SAT, while black students receive a boost of 310 points. Asian students, however, face a 140 point penalty. It was therefore no surprise when, after California outlawed the use of racial preferences in admissions, the representation of Asian Americans jumped significantly at University of California schools.

“We can’t really gauge Cornell’s role in penalizing Asian applicants, mostly because the admissions office is always hesitant to reveal information about minority students. However, we must pay careful attention to our treatment of Asian students. I do know of one former admissions officer who likes to boast about rejecting scores of Asians because he didn’t want them in his classes. Given the faculty condescension towards Asian students that I and many others have observed, it wouldn’t surprise me if more admissions officers acted on similar impulses.

arms“True, any information on this phenomenon is anecdotal. However, this will also be true years from now. We won’t uncover evidence of rigid quota systems, or committees tasked with addressing ‘the Jewish question,’ a la Harvard and Yale in the early 20th century. I suspect, though, that future interviews with former admissions officers will reveal that ‘the Asian question’ — what to do about massive numbers of qualified Asian applicants? — has been both a persistent worry and a major factor in admissions decisions.”

A couple years ago, the American Civil Rights Institute’s Ward Connerly wrote an op-ed about discrimination against students of Asian descent in the University of California (UC) system. He recounted a conversation he’d had with a UC administrator:

“I asked him why he considered it important to tinker with admissions instead of just letting the chips fall where they may. In an unguarded moment, he told me that unless the university took steps to ‘guide’ admissions decisions, UC would be dominated by Asians. When I asked, ‘What would be wrong with that?’ I got an answer that speaks volumes about the underlying philosophy at many universities with regard to Asian enrollment.

“The UC administrator told me that Asians are ‘too dull – they study, study, study.’ He then said, ‘If you ever say I said this, I will have to deny it.’ I won’t betray the individual’s anonymity because to do so would put him in a world of trouble. Yet, it is time to confront the not-so-subtle hand of discrimination against Asians that masquerades as ‘building diversity’ at many campuses.”

It’s also well documented that Asians are a non-preferred minority. The euphemism diversity applies mostly to blacks and Hispanics. Some minorities are more equal than others. If Asian enrollment goes up, well, that’s interesting, but what about blacks and Hispanics?

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John McWhorterThe Manhattan Institute’s John McWhorter has spoken out against what he considers a sub-cultural strain of anti-intellectualism among blacks. He also contended that some blacks, no matter how successful or untouched by racial discrimination, have an urge to keep “whitey on the hook,” to never let white people forget historical grievances.

In a piece for The New Republic, McWhorter says he believes the Berkeley College Republicans had a First Amendment right to hold a “diversity” bake sale—and he didn’t like the administration’s response to it—but criticizes the Republican students:

“There is a certain coyness about Republicans’ pretense that the problem with affirmative action is simply that it ‘treats races differently.’ No affirmative action fan starts with a peculiar commitment to ‘treating races differently.’ The assumption is that one must do so in this particular case, to redress past wrongs, and to adjust for the fact that races suffer disadvantage to disproportionate degrees. One may contest that argument. However, to simply pose the wide-eyed question ‘Why should we treat races differently?’ pretends no such argument is germane, which contributes nothing to the general debate.”

“In exchanges with those publicly asking why we should treat races differently, I have often noted that what they really feel is that even if there is inequality in society, it is the job of those dealt a bad hand to make the best of it regardless, not have the standards changed for them. They would be better citizens to state that explicitly, instead of fashioning a studiously know-nothing approach like showing that ‘race is meaningless.’ It isn’t, and they know it. A coherent anti-preferences argument remains possible despite that—and they need to wipe the smirks off their faces and start making it.”

As a supporter of race neutrality in government and an opponent of racial preferences, I’ll accept McWhorter’s challenge. A common refrain on this blog is that it’s unfair, illegal, and just plain wrong to treat the races differently, although I recognize that the races are different to a degree, the most obvious differences being physical.

For example, racial preferences mostly exist because of the academic achievement gap and other racial disparities. I don’t believe the achievement gap in particular will ever close, and it won’t narrow to a degree that will satisfy social engineers. While the performance of individual students can be improved, there will always be a gap that causes “concern” among people who fret about that kind of thing. Blame genetics, the environment, culture, or two of three or all three. The pattern is consistent across standardized exam results and overall academic performance among what I call the Big 4: East Asian, whites, Hispanics, and blacks.

I can’t speak for the Berkeley Republicans, but I can state unequivocally that despite racial disparities, the government still must be racially neutral. The point of “affirmative action” bake sales is to illustrate this principle, and differences between the races should not authorize the government to put a proverbial thumb on the scale to even things up. The government’s job is to protect the rights of individuals, and requiring certain individuals to perform at a higher standard than others based on the color of their skin violates their right to equality under the law.

So what is the solution? There is no one-size-fits-all solution, but the focus shouldn’t be on what the government can do, but what individual families can do.

Some racial preferences proponents advocate preferences based on family socioeconomic status, so members of all racial and ethnic groups benefit. It sounds good on paper, but I believe such preferences would still result in schools lowering admissions standards. However, income-based lowered standards are more palatable than race-based lowered standards.

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Liberals love demonstrating their perverse idea of tolerance by shouting down or attacking conservatives on campuses and in the public square.

Yesterday, a “diverse” group of protestors at the DoubleTree Hotel in Madison, Wisconsin, shut down a press conference about a study exposing the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s (UW-Madison) race-based admissions scheme.

Roger Clegg, president and general counsel of the Center for Equal Opportunity (CEO), was answering questions about “Racial and Ethnic Preferences in Undergraduate Admissions at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (PDF),” when opponents of racial neutrality in government rushed into the conference room, surrounded Clegg, and shouted “Power to the people!” and “More than our scores!” until he left the room. (See this AP story for more information)

Funny thing about facts: no matter how sad or infuriating they are, they’re still facts. Unrighteous indignation doesn’t alter them. For example, it is a fact that schools lower admissions standards for certain minorities (East Asians not included) to increase “diversity.” According to a CEO study released this week, the odds of admission (based on SAT score and class rank) in 2007 and 2008 for black and Hispanics over whites at UW-Madison were 576-to-1 and 504-to-1, respectively.

The median SAT score for blacks was 150 points lower than for whites and Asians, and 100 points lower for Hispanics. Based on ACT scores, the odds were 1330-to-1 for blacks and 1494-to-1 for Hispanics. CEO also found “severe” discrimination in law school admissions. In fact, the color of the student’s skin was given much greater weight than Wisconsin residency.

“[A]n out-of-state black applicant with grades and LSAT scores at the median for that group would have had a 7 out 10 chance of admission and an out-of-state Hispanic a 1 out of 3 chance—but an in-state Asian with those grades and scores had a 1 out of 6 chance and an in-state white only a 1 out of 10 chance.”

How did such an obviously unfair and patently demeaning practice get started? In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson issued an executive order that directed federal contractors to take “affirmative action” to ensure that applicants were treated equally “without regard to race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.” They were encouraged to cast a wider recruitment net to include in the hiring pool qualified minorities who’d been historically excluded. In 1971, President Richard M. Nixon authorized the Department of Labor to set specific goals and timetables to correct the “underutilization” of blacks by federal contractors.

The same year, the U.S. Supreme Court decided in Griggs v. Duke Power Co. that an employer’s use of a high school diploma requirement and aptitude tests violated the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Black applicants disproportionately lacked diplomas and/or scored low on the tests, and the requirements had a disparate impact on this group. The court held that even if an employment practice is “facially neutral,” it’s suspect if it has an adverse impact on members of a protected class. To avoid liability, businesses would have to demonstrate that such tests are a business necessity or related to job performance.

Fast forward 40 years, and “affirmative action” has reached embarrassing proportions. Not only are prospective college students given points and other special considerations for the color of their skin, but blacks themselves publicly announce to the world that they can’t nor should be expected to compete with whites on pencil-and-paper civil service exams.

Even more bizarre, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit struck down a voter-approved law in Michigan that barred the government from considering race in employment, contracting, and education. In other words, the panel contended that outlawing racial discrimination discriminated against minorities. Fortunately, the full court has agreed to reconsider the case.

That blacks are adversely impacted by a grades-and-scores system doesn’t mean blacks are the targets of racial discrimination. It means as a group, they are adversely impacted by a grades-and-scores system. It does not follow that the government should add points to an individual’s application based on race and reject another applicant for having the “wrong” skin color.

It is illogical to demand equal treatment and special treatment at the same time. Equality before the law is supposed to protect the rights of individuals, regardless of skin color or grades or SAT scores. “Tolerant” liberals can shout down the messengers until their faces turn blue. Suppression is futile, and facts are relentless. Taxpayers have a right to know they’re supporting local, state, and federal governments that treat individuals differently based on the color of their skin.

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If schools factor race into admissions and financial aid decisions, why not factor race into grading? Although Mark J. Perry, a professor of economics at the University of Michigan at Flint and a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, presents the idea tongue-in-cheek, it’s a valid question. Consider the following:

“Before Proposal 2, the Center for Equal Opportunity found that black and Hispanic high school students with a GPA of 3.20 and an SAT score of 1240 had roughly a 90 percent chance of being admitted to the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor, while Asians and whites with the same academic credentials had only about a one in 10 chance of being accepted.

“Once admitted, though, black students were about five-and-a-half times more likely to be on academic probation than white students (36.5 percent vs. 6.5 percent) and had an average GPA six-tenths of a point below white students (2.73 vs. 3.34).

“Further, almost one out of every three black students (32 percent) failed to graduate from the University of Michigan within 6 years, compared to only one out of every nine white students (11 percent), according to the NCAA.

“Instead of attending a less competitive but still very good university, many of these students were thrust into an environment in which they were almost certain to fail. Academic mismatch did a great disservice to many minority students, who might have achieved much greater academic success — a higher GPA, a lower chance of being on academic probation, and a greater chance of graduating — at a less prestigious institution.

“If we must accept the return of affirmative action, allow me to facetiously suggest a proposal to solve the academic mismatch problem: ‘affirmative action grading’ in the classroom. Race-based preferences and double standards at the point of admission are obviously not enough to guarantee academic success and graduation. We should supplement it with a similar practice in the classroom.

“Affirmative action grading would work simply: minority students would be evaluated according to an adjusted grading scale, given longer time to take exams, and be excused from certain homework assignments. This would increase minority students’ GPA, reduce the likelihood that they will be on academic probation, and increase their chances of graduating.”

If affirmative action typically involves lowering standards to admit minority students, why are these same students now expected to compete with students admitted with higher qualifications?

Without racial preferences, minority students likely would be sorted into schools that match their qualifications, thereby raising their performance and graduation rates. Without racial preferences, minority students can sit alongside non-minorities knowing they got it based on grades and scores, and not skin color or racial group membership.

Equal opportunity begins at the individual level, and the results of that opportunity are contingent on the individual to excel. That’s all any government can or should guarantee. Equality of outcome is a fantasy even in the most homogenous society.

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Michael Briscoe’s Suit Goes Forward

August 17, 2011

You may recall Michael Briscoe, a black New Haven firefighter suing the city for discrimination. He claimed the department’s promotions exam had a disparate impact on blacks, that giving more weight to the written part of the exam over the oral was a race-based disadvantage. The written portion was weighted 60 percent and the oral [...]

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Admissions, Race, and the Courts

August 2, 2011

It seems inevitable that “affirmative action,” aka racial preferences, will return to the U.S. Supreme Court. The court’s eight-year-old decisions Grutter v. Bollinger and Gratz v. Bollinger haven’t stopped tax-supported schools from using broad preferences policies or the lower courts from rendering conflicting decisions. Part of the problem was the court’s capitulation in allowing tax-supported [...]

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Court: Bar Exam Data Are Public Documents

June 14, 2011

Last week I told you that a three-judge panel of the First District Court of Appeal heard arguments in UCLA law professor Richard Sander’s quest to obtain racial and ethnic data from the California bar exam applicants. According to Law.com, Justice Stuart Pollak said, “The State Bar is providing a vital function here, which is [...]

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Richard Sander Appeals to Judge Panel

June 7, 2011

UCLA law professor Richard Sander continues his quest to obtain racial and ethnic data on California bar exam applicants. Last week, a three-judge panel of the First District Court of Appeal heard arguments, and Law.com reports that “two justices… appeared ready to draw opposite conclusions. The third didn’t tip his hand.” Sander concluded in a [...]

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Richard Kahlenberg on Chace’s ‘Affirmative Action’ Defense

May 31, 2011

William Chace’s defense of “affirmative action in The American Scholar is generating more comments. Chace calls on elite colleges and universities to increase their use of racial preferences, in light of voters barring their states from discriminating against or granting preferences to individuals or groups on the basis of race in employment, contracting, and education. [...]

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